Assessment

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Term: Assessment

Part of Speech: noun

Definition:

Most broadly, an assessment is a type of social action by which an interactant expresses an evaluative stance towards someone or something (e.g., an object, an event, an action, an experience, a state of affairs, a place, a circumstance, etc.). The target of an assessment is typically called the ‘assessable’.

Assessing is pervasive and routine in social interaction and so researchers have adopted different strategies in operationalizing assessments in, and for the purposes of, particular studies. Some have made the presence of positively or negatively valenced lexically assessing terms (e.g., adjectives such as good, lovely, bad, terrible, evaluative verbs like I love/hate it) a decisive criterion (e.g., Sidnell & Enfield 2012: 312; Thompson et al. 2015; Pomerantz 1984). Others have adopted a more inclusive approach, allowing for non-lexical or lexically non-valenced stance displays such as Oo::h!, A::w or Oh wow! and even completely embodied ones to count as assessments (e.g., M. H. Goodwin 1980; C. Goodwin 1986; Goodwin & Goodwin 1987; 1992; see also Goodwin & Cekaite 2018: 26-31; Barth-Weingarten et al., frthc.; but cf. Heath 1989, esp. p. 122, fn. 6, as well as Jenkins & Hepburn 2015 on pain cries). Yet others have found it useful to distinguish conceptually between taking a stance and assessing as a social action, especially when dealing with lexically non-valenced stance displays (e.g., Wiggins 2002, 2012; Local & Walker 2008; Kärkkäinen 2012).

Evaluating someone or something can be participants’ primary concern in a stretch of talk, such that assessments can constitute independent social actions in and of themselves. In contexts of (presumed) shared experience with, or joint access to, the assessable, first assessments have been said to generally make agreement/disagreement from a co-participant relevant next actions and to thereby engender larger assessment sequences (Pomerantz 1984; Heritage & Raymond 2005). However, there has been some debate about the sequential implicativeness of such first assessments (and whether assessment sequences are indeed generically organized as adjacency pairs), with some research suggesting that they can vary considerably in terms of how strongly they attract or mobilize subsequent agreement/disagreement (Stivers & Rossano 2010a, 2010b; cf. Schegloff 2010; Couper-Kuhlen 2010).

With some exceptions (e.g., self-deprecations, criticism), agreeing responses are generally preferred over disagreeing ones (Pomerantz 1975, 1984; but see Auer & Uhmann 1982; Kotthoff 1993; Mondada 2009a). Both agreement and disagreement may be accomplished in various ways and through a wide range of practices, which themselves mobilize a diverse set of verbal, vocal and embodied resources (see, e.g., Pomerantz 1984; Thompson et al. 2015: ch. 4; Ogden 2006; M. H. Goodwin 1980, 2007; Schegloff 1987; Mondada 2009a).

Since assessments are (treated as) products of experience and, in their production, embody a claim to such experience/experiential knowledge of the matter being assessed (Pomerantz 1984, pp. 57-58, Goodwin & Goodwin 1987, p. 9), assessment sequences form a rich site for the display, negotiation and management of epistemic concerns, such as participants’ differential access, entitlement to and authority over (certain stocks of) knowledge and experience (see, e.g., Heritage 2002, 2013; Heritage & Raymond 2005; Raymond & Heritage 2006; Stivers et al. 2011; see also Hayano 2011, 2016; Edwards & Potter 2017; Wiggins & Potter 2003).

Assessments may also be produced in a range of other contexts. For example, they play a prominent role in the responsive receipt of news announcements (e.g., Maynard 2003; Freese & Maynard 1998; Maynard & Freese 2012) and informings (e.g., Thompson et al. 2015) or as approving receipts of proposals (e.g., Stevanovic 2012; Seuren 2018). Similarly, they may be produced in the context of extended reportings and storytellings, both as teller’s devices for contextualizing the story’s point and as recipients’ devices for affiliating or disaffiliating with the storyteller (e.g., Jefferson 1978; C. Goodwin 1986; Stivers 2008; Selting 2017).

In accordance with their experiential character, it has been observed that assessments are commonly proffered towards the end of 'topics', sequences and activities, as devices for bringing them to a close (e.g., Antaki et al. 2000; Antaki 2002; Schegloff 2007; Mondada 2009b; Thompson et al. 2015). On the other hand, assessments are also often produced in, and reflexively create, moments of heightened interactional participation and affective involvement (e.g., Goodwin & Goodwin 1987, 1992; C. Goodwin 1986, 2007; Selting 1994; Mondada 2009b).

Finally, assessments may also figure as co-constitutive ingredients in a plethora of other actions and activities, such as complaining (e.g., Drew 1998; Günthner 2000; Dersley & Wootton 2000; Heinemann & Traverso 2009; Selting 2012), gossiping (e.g., Bergmann 1993), shaming/admonishing (Potter & Hepburn 2020), advice-giving (e.g., Shaw et al. 2015), praising/complimenting (Pomerantz 1978; Golato 2002, 2005, 2011; Pillet-Shore 2015) as well as numerous others.


Additional Related Entries:

preference (organization)

epistemics

adjacency pair(s)

conditional relevance

stance

affect

Cited References:

Antaki, C. (2002). “Lovely”: Turn-initial high-grade assessments in telephone closings. Discourse Studies, 4(1), 5–23. https://doi.org/10.1177/14614456020040010101

Antaki, C., Houtkoop-Steenstra, H., & Rapley, M. (2000). “Brilliant. Next Question...”: High-Grade Assessment Sequences in the Completion of Interactional Units. Research on Language & Social Interaction, 33(3), 235–262. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327973RLSI3303_1

Auer, P., & Uhmann, S. (1982). Aspekte der konversationellen Organisation von Bewertungen. Deutsche Sprache, 10(1), 1–32.

Barth-Weingarten, D., Küttner, U.-A., & Raymond, C. W. (frthc.). Pivots revisited: Cesuring in action. Open Linguistics, 7, 613-637.

Bergmann, J. R. (1993). Discreet indiscretions: The social organization of gossip. Aldine de Gruyter.

Couper-Kuhlen, E. (2010). Commentary on Stivers and Rossano: “Mobilizing response.” Research on Language and Social Interaction, 43(1), 32–37. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810903471316

Dersley, I., & Wootton, A. (2000). Complaint sequences within antagonistic argument. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 33(4), 375–406. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327973RLSI3304_02

Drew, P. (1998). Complaints about transgressions and misconduct. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 31(3–4), 295–325. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351813.1998.9683595

Edwards, D., & Potter, J. (2017). Some uses of subject-side assessments. Discourse Studies, 1461445617715171. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445617715171

Freese, J., & Maynard, D. W. (1998). Prosodic features of bad news and good news in conversation. Language in Society, 27(2), 195–219. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047404500019850

Golato, A. (2002). German compliment responses. Journal of Pragmatics, 34(5), 547–571. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0378-2166(01)00040-6

Golato, A. (2005). Compliments and compliment responses: Grammatical structure and sequential organization. John Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/sidag.15

Golato, A. (2011). Appreciatory sounds and expressions of embodied pleasure used as compliments. In K. Aijmer & G. Anderson (Eds.), Pragmatics of society (pp. 361–392). Mouton-de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110214420.361

Goodwin, C. (1986). Between and within: Alternative sequential treatments of continuers and assessments. Human Studies, 9(2–3), 205–217. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00148127

Goodwin, C. (2007). Participation, stance, and affect in the organization of activities. Discourse & Society, 18(1), 53–73. https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926507069457

Goodwin, C., & Goodwin, M. H. (1987). Concurrent operations on talk: Notes on the interactive organization of assessments. IPrA Papers in Pragmatics, 1(1), 1–55. https://doi.org/10.1075/iprapip.1.1.01goo

Goodwin, C., & Goodwin, M. H. (1992). Assessments and the construction of context. In A. Duranti & C. Goodwin (Eds.), Rethinking context: Language as an interactive phenomenon (pp. 147–190). Cambridge University Press.

Goodwin, M. H. (1980). Processes of mutual monitoring implicated in the production of description sequences. Sociological Inquiry, 50(3–4), 303–317. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682X.1980.tb00024.x

Goodwin, M. H. (2007). Participation and embodied action in preadolescent girls’ assessment activity. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 40(4), 353–375. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810701471344

Goodwin, M. H., & Cekaite, A. (2018). Embodied family choreography: Practices of control, care, and mundane creativity. Routledge.

Günthner, S. (2000). Vorwurfsaktivitäten in der Alltagsinteraktion: Grammatische, prosodische, rhetorisch-stilistische und interaktive Verfahren bei der Konstitution kommunikativer Muster und Gattungen. Niemeyer.

Hayano, K. (2011). Giving support to the claim of epistemic primacy: Yo-marked assessments in Japanese. In T. Stivers, L. Mondada, & J. Steensig (Eds.), The morality of knowledge in conversation (pp. 58–81). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511921674.004

Hayano, K. (2016). Subjective assessments: Managing territory of experience in conversation. In J. D. Robinson (Ed.), Accountability in social interaction (pp. 207–236). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190210557.003.0007

Heath, C. (1989). Pain talk: The expression of suffering in the medical consultation. Social Psychology Quarterly, 52(2), 113–125. https://doi.org/10.2307/2786911

Heinemann, T., & Traverso, V. (2009). Complaining in interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(12), 2381–2384. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2008.10.006

Heritage, J. (2002). Oh-prefaced responses to assessments: A method of modifying agreement/disagreement. In C. E. Ford, B. A. Fox, & S. A. Thompson (Eds.), The language of turn and sequence (pp. 196–224).

Heritage, J. (2013). Epistemics in conversation. In J. Sidnell & T. Stivers (Eds.), The Handbook of Conversation Analysis (pp. 370–394). Wiley-Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118325001.ch18

Heritage, J., & Raymond, G. (2005). The terms of agreement: Indexing epistemic authority and subordination in assessment sequences. Social Psychology Quarterly, 68(1), 15–38. https://doi.org/10.1177/019027250506800103

Jefferson, G. (1978). Sequential aspects of storytelling in conversation. In J. Schenkein (Ed.), Studies in the organization of conversational interaction (pp. 219–248). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-623550-0.50016-1

Jenkins, L., & Hepburn, A. (2015). Children’s sensations as interactional phenomena: A conversation analysis of children’s expressions of pain and discomfort. Qualitative Research In Psychology, 12(4), 472–491. https://doi.org/10.1080/14780887.2015.1054534

Kärkkäinen, E. (2012). I thought it was very interesting. Conversational formats for taking a stance. Journal of Pragmatics, 44(15), 2194–2210. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2012.09.005

Kotthoff, H. (1993). Disagreement and concession in disputes: On the context sensitivity of preference structures. Language in Society, 22(2), 193–216. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047404500017103

Local, J., & Walker, G. (2008). Stance and affect in conversation: On the interplay of sequential and phonetic resources. Text & Talk, 28(6), 723–747. https://doi.org/10.1515/TEXT.2008.037

Maynard, D. W. (2003). Bad news, good news: Conversational order in everyday talk and clinical settings (p. 337). University of Chicago Press.

Maynard, D. W., & Freese, J. (2012). Good news, bad news, and affect: Practical and temporal “emotion work” in everyday life. In A. Peräkylä & M.-L. Sorjonen (Eds.), Emotion in interaction (pp. 92–112). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730735.003.0005

Mondada, L. (2009a). The embodied and negotiated production of assessments in instructed actions. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 42(4), 329–361. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810903296473

Mondada, L. (2009b). The methodical organization of talking and eating: Assessments in dinner conversations. Food Quality and Preference, 20(8), 558–571. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodqual.2009.03.006

Ogden, R. (2006). Phonetics and social action in agreements and disagreements. Journal of Pragmatics, 38(10), 1752–1775. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2005.04.011

Pillet-Shore, D. (2015). Compliments. In K. Tracy, C. Ilie, & T. Sandel (Eds.), The international encyclopedia of language and social interaction (Vol. 1, pp. 193–198). John Wiley & Sons. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118611463.wbielsi127

Pomerantz, A. (1975). Second assessments: A study of some features of agreements/disagreements. University of California, Irvine.

Pomerantz, A. (1978). Compliment responses: Notes on the cooperation of multiple constraints. In J. Schenkein (Ed.), Studies in the organization of conversational interaction (pp. 79–112). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-623550-0.50010-0

Pomerantz, A. (1984). Agreeing and disagreeing with assessments: Some features of preferred/dispreferred turn shapes. In J. M. Atkinson & J. Heritage (Eds.), Structures of social action: Studies in conversation analysis (pp. 57–101). Cambridge University Press.

Potter, J., & Hepburn, A. (2020). Shaming interrogatives: Admonishments, the social psychology of emotion, and discursive practices of behaviour modification in family mealtimes. British Journal of Social Psychology, 59(2), 347–364. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12346

Raymond, G., & Heritage, J. (2006). The epistemics of social relationships: Owning grandchildren. Language in Society, 35(5), 677–705. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047404506060325

Schegloff, E. A. (1987). Analyzing single episodes of interaction: An exercise in conversation analysis. Social Psychology Quarterly, 50(2), 101–114. https://doi.org/10.2307/2786745

Schegloff, E. A. (2007). Sequence organization in interaction: A primer in conversation analysis, volume 1. Cambridge University Press.

Schegloff, E. A. (2010). Commentary on Stivers and Rossano: Mobilizing response. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 43(1), 38–48. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810903471282

Selting, M. (1994). Emphatic speech style—With special focus on the prosodic signalling of heightened emotive involvement in conversation. Journal of Pragmatics, 22(3–4), 375–408. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(94)90116-3

Selting, M. (2012). Complaint stories and subsequent complaint stories with affect displays. Journal of Pragmatics, 44(4), 387–415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2012.01.005

Selting, M. (2017). The display and management of affectivity in climaxes of amusing stories. Journal of Pragmatics, 111, 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2017.01.008

Seuren, L. M. (2018). Assessing answers: Action ascription in third position. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 51(1), 33–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351813.2018.1413890

Shaw, C., Potter, J., & Hepburn, A. (2015). Advice-implicative actions: Using interrogatives and assessments to deliver advice in mundane conversation. Discourse Studies, 17(3), 317–342. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445615571199

Sidnell, J., & Enfield, N. J. (2012). Language diversity and social action: A third locus of linguistic relativity. Current Anthropology, 53(3), 302–333. https://doi.org/10.1086/665697

Stevanovic, M. (2012). Prosodic salience and the emergence of new decisions: On approving responses to proposals in Finnish workplace interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 44(6–7), 843–862. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2012.03.007

Stivers, T. (2008). Stance, alignment and affiliation during storytelling: When nodding is a token of affiliation. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 41(1), 31–57. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810701691123

Stivers, T., Mondada, L., & Steensig, J. (2011). Knowledge, morality and affiliation in social interaction. In T. Stivers, L. Mondada, & J. Steensig (Eds.), The morality of knowledge in conversation (pp. 3–24). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511921674.002

Stivers, T., & Rossano, F. (2010a). Mobilizing response. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 43(1), 3–31. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810903471258

Stivers, T., & Rossano, F. (2010b). A scalar view of response relevance. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 43(1), 49–56. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351810903471381

Thompson, S. A., Fox, B. A., & Couper-Kuhlen, E. (2015). Grammar in everyday talk: Building responsive actions. Cambridge University Press.

Wiggins, S. (2002). Talking with your mouth full: Gustatory mmms and the embodiment of pleasure. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 35(3), 311–336. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327973RLSI3503₃

Wiggins, S. (2013). The social life of ‘eugh’: Disgust as assessment in family mealtimes. British Journal of Social Psychology, 52(3), 489–509. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8309.2012.02106.x

Wiggins, S., & Potter, J. (2003). Attitudes and evaluative practices: Category vs. Item and subjective vs. Objective constructions in everyday food assessments. British Journal of Social Psychology, 42(4), 513–531. https://doi.org/10.1348/014466603322595257

Author:

Uwe-A. Küttner (Leibniz-Institute for the German Language, Mannheim) (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1688-0896)

To cite:

Küttner, Uwe-A. (2021). Assessment. In Alexandra Gubina & Chase Wesley Raymond (Eds.), Encyclopedia oqf Terminology for Conversation Analysis and Interactional Linguistics. International Society for Conversation Analysis (ISCA).