Difference between revisions of "Heinemann2017a"

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|BibType=ARTICLE
 
|BibType=ARTICLE
 
|Author(s)=Trine Heinemann;
 
|Author(s)=Trine Heinemann;
|Title=Receipting Answers That are Counter to Expectations: The Polar Question-Answer- N\aa Sequence in Danish
+
|Title=Receipting answers that are counter to expectations: the polar question-answer-nå sequence in Danish
 
|Tag(s)=EMCA; Polar interrogatives; answers; interactional linguistics
 
|Tag(s)=EMCA; Polar interrogatives; answers; interactional linguistics
 
|Key=Heinemann2017a
 
|Key=Heinemann2017a
 
|Year=2017
 
|Year=2017
 
|Language=English
 
|Language=English
|Month=jul
 
 
|Journal=Research on Language and Social Interaction
 
|Journal=Research on Language and Social Interaction
 
|Volume=50
 
|Volume=50
 
|Number=3
 
|Number=3
 
|Pages=249–267
 
|Pages=249–267
|URL=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705
+
|URL=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705
 
|DOI=10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705
 
|DOI=10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705
|Abstract=This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token n\aa as it is used in polar Q(uestion)-A(nswer) sequences. N\aa is more generally employed in Danish to register an informing, whether this informing was solicited by the producer of n\aa or not. In polar Q-A sequences, n\aa is used to register solicited informings and here serves exclusively to receipt answers that counter the questioner's expectations and that may thus require a redirection of action. I rely on both distributional and sequential evidence to illustrate this. First, in polar Q-A sequences where n\aa is produced, answers that are nonconfirming and/or not type-conforming are overrepresented, when compared to polar Q-A sequences in general. Second, participants orient in additional ways to their expectations being countered in polar Q-A-n\aa sequences, for instance, by explicating why the answer was counter to their expectations or what consequences this will have for them. Data are in Danish with English translation.
+
|Abstract=This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token as it is used in polar Q(uestion)-A(nswer) sequences. is more generally employed in Danish to register an informing, whether this informing was solicited by the producer of or not. In polar Q-A sequences, is used to register solicited informings and here serves exclusively to receipt answers that counter the questioner’s expectations and that may thus require a redirection of action. I rely on both distributional and sequential evidence to illustrate this. First, in polar Q-A sequences where is produced, answers that are nonconfirming and/or not type-conforming are overrepresented, when compared to polar Q-A sequences in general. Second, participants orient in additional ways to their expectations being countered in polar Q-A-sequences, for instance, by explicating why the answer was counter to their expectations or what consequences this will have for them. Data are in Danish with English translation.
 
}}
 
}}

Latest revision as of 10:27, 28 December 2019

Heinemann2017a
BibType ARTICLE
Key Heinemann2017a
Author(s) Trine Heinemann
Title Receipting answers that are counter to expectations: the polar question-answer-nå sequence in Danish
Editor(s)
Tag(s) EMCA, Polar interrogatives, answers, interactional linguistics
Publisher
Year 2017
Language English
City
Month
Journal Research on Language and Social Interaction
Volume 50
Number 3
Pages 249–267
URL Link
DOI 10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705
ISBN
Organization
Institution
School
Type
Edition
Series
Howpublished
Book title
Chapter

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Abstract

This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token nå as it is used in polar Q(uestion)-A(nswer) sequences. Nå is more generally employed in Danish to register an informing, whether this informing was solicited by the producer of nå or not. In polar Q-A sequences, nå is used to register solicited informings and here serves exclusively to receipt answers that counter the questioner’s expectations and that may thus require a redirection of action. I rely on both distributional and sequential evidence to illustrate this. First, in polar Q-A sequences where nå is produced, answers that are nonconfirming and/or not type-conforming are overrepresented, when compared to polar Q-A sequences in general. Second, participants orient in additional ways to their expectations being countered in polar Q-A-nå sequences, for instance, by explicating why the answer was counter to their expectations or what consequences this will have for them. Data are in Danish with English translation.

Notes