Difference between revisions of "Bolden2018a"
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|Tag(s)=EMCA; question-answer sequences; Russian; type conformity; epistemics; sequence organization; action formation; preference | |Tag(s)=EMCA; question-answer sequences; Russian; type conformity; epistemics; sequence organization; action formation; preference | ||
|Key=Bolden2018a | |Key=Bolden2018a | ||
| − | |Publisher=John Benjamins | + | |Publisher=John Benjamins |
|Year=2018 | |Year=2018 | ||
|Language=English | |Language=English | ||
|Chapter=2 | |Chapter=2 | ||
|Address=Amsterdam / Philadelphia | |Address=Amsterdam / Philadelphia | ||
| − | |Booktitle=Between Turn and Sequence: Turn- | + | |Booktitle=Between Turn and Sequence: Turn-Initial Particles Across Languages |
|Pages=23–58 | |Pages=23–58 | ||
| − | |URL=https:// | + | |URL=https://benjamins.com/catalog/slsi.31.02bol |
| − | |DOI= | + | |DOI=10.1075/slsi.31.02bol |
|Abstract=This chapter examines the Russian particle nu, focusing on its use in responses to polar and question-word questions. I show that nu prefaces responses that are, in some way, misaligned vis-à-vis the initiating action. First, nu may preface non-type-conforming responses, i.e., responses that “depart from the constraints embodied in the grammatical form” of the question (Raymond 2003, 946). Such responses may operate on the terms of the question, correct its presuppositions, resist the action the question implements, and problematize its assumption of answerability. Second, nu may preface responses that conform to the question’s grammatical constraints and forward its action agenda, but convey an incongruent epistemic stance by suggesting that the questioner already knows the solicited information. | |Abstract=This chapter examines the Russian particle nu, focusing on its use in responses to polar and question-word questions. I show that nu prefaces responses that are, in some way, misaligned vis-à-vis the initiating action. First, nu may preface non-type-conforming responses, i.e., responses that “depart from the constraints embodied in the grammatical form” of the question (Raymond 2003, 946). Such responses may operate on the terms of the question, correct its presuppositions, resist the action the question implements, and problematize its assumption of answerability. Second, nu may preface responses that conform to the question’s grammatical constraints and forward its action agenda, but convey an incongruent epistemic stance by suggesting that the questioner already knows the solicited information. | ||
}} | }} | ||
Latest revision as of 01:39, 14 January 2020
| Bolden2018a | |
|---|---|
| BibType | INCOLLECTION |
| Key | Bolden2018a |
| Author(s) | Galina Bolden |
| Title | Nu-prefaced responses in Russian conversation |
| Editor(s) | John Heritage, Marja-Leena Sorjonen |
| Tag(s) | EMCA, question-answer sequences, Russian, type conformity, epistemics, sequence organization, action formation, preference |
| Publisher | John Benjamins |
| Year | 2018 |
| Language | English |
| City | Amsterdam / Philadelphia |
| Month | |
| Journal | |
| Volume | |
| Number | |
| Pages | 23–58 |
| URL | Link |
| DOI | 10.1075/slsi.31.02bol |
| ISBN | |
| Organization | |
| Institution | |
| School | |
| Type | |
| Edition | |
| Series | |
| Howpublished | |
| Book title | Between Turn and Sequence: Turn-Initial Particles Across Languages |
| Chapter | 2 |
Abstract
This chapter examines the Russian particle nu, focusing on its use in responses to polar and question-word questions. I show that nu prefaces responses that are, in some way, misaligned vis-à-vis the initiating action. First, nu may preface non-type-conforming responses, i.e., responses that “depart from the constraints embodied in the grammatical form” of the question (Raymond 2003, 946). Such responses may operate on the terms of the question, correct its presuppositions, resist the action the question implements, and problematize its assumption of answerability. Second, nu may preface responses that conform to the question’s grammatical constraints and forward its action agenda, but convey an incongruent epistemic stance by suggesting that the questioner already knows the solicited information.
Notes
