Difference between revisions of "Nishizaka2010a"
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|Year=2010 | |Year=2010 | ||
|Language=English | |Language=English | ||
− | |Journal=Research on Language | + | |Journal=Research on Language and Social Interaction |
|Volume=43 | |Volume=43 | ||
|Number=3 | |Number=3 | ||
− | |Pages= | + | |Pages=283–313 |
|URL=http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08351813.2010.497992 | |URL=http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08351813.2010.497992 | ||
− | |DOI= | + | |DOI=10.1080/08351813.2010.497992 |
|Abstract=Unlike primary care acute visits, which are occasioned by a matter of concern to the patient, regular prenatal checkups provide no structural positions for presenting problems that they wish to discuss. I find that there does nevertheless seem to be a systematic sequential position (namely, where an incipient activity is in progress) at which pregnant women can and do raise their concerns. I examine the defensive and evidence-sensitive nature of the construction of the problem presentations initiated at this position. I thereby demonstrate the mutual dependence between the position and construction of problem presentations. The position and construction of presentations are consequential to the way in which health-care professionals respond to them; they may engender a cycle where the pregnant woman (re)attempts to legitimize her original problem presentation and the health-care professional (re)attempts to confirm her or his no-problem response. In conclusion, I discuss some implications of the present study for the study of medical interaction in particular and the study of human interaction in general. | |Abstract=Unlike primary care acute visits, which are occasioned by a matter of concern to the patient, regular prenatal checkups provide no structural positions for presenting problems that they wish to discuss. I find that there does nevertheless seem to be a systematic sequential position (namely, where an incipient activity is in progress) at which pregnant women can and do raise their concerns. I examine the defensive and evidence-sensitive nature of the construction of the problem presentations initiated at this position. I thereby demonstrate the mutual dependence between the position and construction of problem presentations. The position and construction of presentations are consequential to the way in which health-care professionals respond to them; they may engender a cycle where the pregnant woman (re)attempts to legitimize her original problem presentation and the health-care professional (re)attempts to confirm her or his no-problem response. In conclusion, I discuss some implications of the present study for the study of medical interaction in particular and the study of human interaction in general. | ||
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Latest revision as of 08:28, 25 November 2019
Nishizaka2010a | |
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BibType | ARTICLE |
Key | Nishizaka2010a |
Author(s) | Aug Nishizaka |
Title | Self-initiated problem presentation in prenatal checkups: its placement and construction |
Editor(s) | |
Tag(s) | EMCA, Medical EMCA, Prenatal, Problem presentation |
Publisher | |
Year | 2010 |
Language | English |
City | |
Month | |
Journal | Research on Language and Social Interaction |
Volume | 43 |
Number | 3 |
Pages | 283–313 |
URL | Link |
DOI | 10.1080/08351813.2010.497992 |
ISBN | |
Organization | |
Institution | |
School | |
Type | |
Edition | |
Series | |
Howpublished | |
Book title | |
Chapter |
Abstract
Unlike primary care acute visits, which are occasioned by a matter of concern to the patient, regular prenatal checkups provide no structural positions for presenting problems that they wish to discuss. I find that there does nevertheless seem to be a systematic sequential position (namely, where an incipient activity is in progress) at which pregnant women can and do raise their concerns. I examine the defensive and evidence-sensitive nature of the construction of the problem presentations initiated at this position. I thereby demonstrate the mutual dependence between the position and construction of problem presentations. The position and construction of presentations are consequential to the way in which health-care professionals respond to them; they may engender a cycle where the pregnant woman (re)attempts to legitimize her original problem presentation and the health-care professional (re)attempts to confirm her or his no-problem response. In conclusion, I discuss some implications of the present study for the study of medical interaction in particular and the study of human interaction in general.
Notes