Difference between revisions of "Heinemann2017a"
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{{BibEntry | {{BibEntry | ||
+ | |BibType=ARTICLE | ||
+ | |Author(s)=Trine Heinemann; | ||
+ | |Title=Receipting answers that are counter to expectations: the polar question-answer-nå sequence in Danish | ||
+ | |Tag(s)=EMCA; Polar interrogatives; answers; interactional linguistics | ||
|Key=Heinemann2017a | |Key=Heinemann2017a | ||
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|Year=2017 | |Year=2017 | ||
− | | | + | |Language=English |
|Journal=Research on Language and Social Interaction | |Journal=Research on Language and Social Interaction | ||
|Volume=50 | |Volume=50 | ||
|Number=3 | |Number=3 | ||
|Pages=249–267 | |Pages=249–267 | ||
− | |URL= | + | |URL=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705 |
|DOI=10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705 | |DOI=10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705 | ||
− | |Abstract=This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token | + | |Abstract=This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token nå as it is used in polar Q(uestion)-A(nswer) sequences. Nå is more generally employed in Danish to register an informing, whether this informing was solicited by the producer of nå or not. In polar Q-A sequences, nå is used to register solicited informings and here serves exclusively to receipt answers that counter the questioner’s expectations and that may thus require a redirection of action. I rely on both distributional and sequential evidence to illustrate this. First, in polar Q-A sequences where nå is produced, answers that are nonconfirming and/or not type-conforming are overrepresented, when compared to polar Q-A sequences in general. Second, participants orient in additional ways to their expectations being countered in polar Q-A-nå sequences, for instance, by explicating why the answer was counter to their expectations or what consequences this will have for them. Data are in Danish with English translation. |
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Latest revision as of 10:27, 28 December 2019
Heinemann2017a | |
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BibType | ARTICLE |
Key | Heinemann2017a |
Author(s) | Trine Heinemann |
Title | Receipting answers that are counter to expectations: the polar question-answer-nå sequence in Danish |
Editor(s) | |
Tag(s) | EMCA, Polar interrogatives, answers, interactional linguistics |
Publisher | |
Year | 2017 |
Language | English |
City | |
Month | |
Journal | Research on Language and Social Interaction |
Volume | 50 |
Number | 3 |
Pages | 249–267 |
URL | Link |
DOI | 10.1080/08351813.2017.1340705 |
ISBN | |
Organization | |
Institution | |
School | |
Type | |
Edition | |
Series | |
Howpublished | |
Book title | |
Chapter |
Abstract
This article explores the use of the Danish change-of-state token nå as it is used in polar Q(uestion)-A(nswer) sequences. Nå is more generally employed in Danish to register an informing, whether this informing was solicited by the producer of nå or not. In polar Q-A sequences, nå is used to register solicited informings and here serves exclusively to receipt answers that counter the questioner’s expectations and that may thus require a redirection of action. I rely on both distributional and sequential evidence to illustrate this. First, in polar Q-A sequences where nå is produced, answers that are nonconfirming and/or not type-conforming are overrepresented, when compared to polar Q-A sequences in general. Second, participants orient in additional ways to their expectations being countered in polar Q-A-nå sequences, for instance, by explicating why the answer was counter to their expectations or what consequences this will have for them. Data are in Danish with English translation.
Notes