Difference between revisions of "Laanesoo2016"
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{{BibEntry | {{BibEntry | ||
| + | |BibType=ARTICLE | ||
| + | |Author(s)=Kirsi Laanesoo | ||
| + | |Title=Targeting questions inappositeness: the Estonian kus 'where-interrogative in the second position | ||
| + | |Tag(s)=Interactional Linguistics; EMCA; | ||
|Key=Laanesoo2016 | |Key=Laanesoo2016 | ||
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|Year=2016 | |Year=2016 | ||
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|Journal=Discourse Studies | |Journal=Discourse Studies | ||
|Volume=18 | |Volume=18 | ||
|Number=4 | |Number=4 | ||
|Pages=393–408 | |Pages=393–408 | ||
| − | |URL= | + | |URL=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1461445616647878 |
|DOI=10.1177/1461445616647878 | |DOI=10.1177/1461445616647878 | ||
| + | |Abstract=This article examines the use of the kus ‘where’-interrogative clause in the second position of a question–answer adjacency pair in Estonian informal interaction. Applying an interactional linguistic approach, I will demonstrate how speakers use the kus-interrogative to point out the inappositeness of their interlocutor’s question. The use of the kus-interrogative in the second position implies that the questioner should already know the answer before asking. Essentially, the kus-interrogative is a response that negates the presumption posed by the polar question. Nonetheless, the negation is not sufficient to close this question–answer sequence. Instead, the interlocutors treat the kus-interrogative response as a challenge by subsequently justifying their question. | ||
}} | }} | ||
Latest revision as of 07:06, 17 December 2019
| Laanesoo2016 | |
|---|---|
| BibType | ARTICLE |
| Key | Laanesoo2016 |
| Author(s) | Kirsi Laanesoo |
| Title | Targeting questions inappositeness: the Estonian kus 'where-interrogative in the second position |
| Editor(s) | |
| Tag(s) | Interactional Linguistics, EMCA |
| Publisher | |
| Year | 2016 |
| Language | |
| City | |
| Month | |
| Journal | Discourse Studies |
| Volume | 18 |
| Number | 4 |
| Pages | 393–408 |
| URL | Link |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461445616647878 |
| ISBN | |
| Organization | |
| Institution | |
| School | |
| Type | |
| Edition | |
| Series | |
| Howpublished | |
| Book title | |
| Chapter | |
Abstract
This article examines the use of the kus ‘where’-interrogative clause in the second position of a question–answer adjacency pair in Estonian informal interaction. Applying an interactional linguistic approach, I will demonstrate how speakers use the kus-interrogative to point out the inappositeness of their interlocutor’s question. The use of the kus-interrogative in the second position implies that the questioner should already know the answer before asking. Essentially, the kus-interrogative is a response that negates the presumption posed by the polar question. Nonetheless, the negation is not sufficient to close this question–answer sequence. Instead, the interlocutors treat the kus-interrogative response as a challenge by subsequently justifying their question.
Notes
