Difference between revisions of "Maschler2020"
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|Author(s)=Yael Maschler | |Author(s)=Yael Maschler | ||
|Title=The insubordinate – subordinate continuum: Prosody, embodied action, and the emergence of Hebrew complex syntax | |Title=The insubordinate – subordinate continuum: Prosody, embodied action, and the emergence of Hebrew complex syntax | ||
| − | |Editor(s)=Yael Maschler | + | |Editor(s)=Yael Maschler; Simona Pekarek Doehler; Jan Lindström; Leelo Keevallik |
|Tag(s)=EMCA; Hebrew; Insubordination; Grammar; Interactional linguistics; Subordination; Prosody; Grammaticization | |Tag(s)=EMCA; Hebrew; Insubordination; Grammar; Interactional linguistics; Subordination; Prosody; Grammaticization | ||
|Key=Maschler2020 | |Key=Maschler2020 | ||
| + | |Publisher=John Benjamins | ||
|Year=2020 | |Year=2020 | ||
|Language=English | |Language=English | ||
| − | |Booktitle=Emergent Syntax for Conversation: Clausal | + | |Address=Amsterdam |
| − | |Pages= | + | |Booktitle=Emergent Syntax for Conversation: Clausal Patterns and the Organization of Action |
| + | |Pages=87–126 | ||
|URL=https://benjamins.com/catalog/slsi.32.04mas | |URL=https://benjamins.com/catalog/slsi.32.04mas | ||
| − | |DOI= | + | |DOI=10.1075/slsi.32.04mas |
|Abstract=This chapter examines the continuum stretching between Hebrew syntactically integrated and unintegrated (‘insubordinate’) she-‘that/which/who’-clauses produced following final/continuing intonation contours in naturally-occurring interaction. Leaving aside modal insubordinate she-clauses, I show that in all of these cases she- ties back to an immediately prior stretch of interaction – verbal and/or embodied – and projects an elaboration or evaluation of it, without much concern about which particular type of complex construction – relative, complement, or adverbial (if any) – is being created. The data suggest that rather than viewing insubordinate clauses as imperfect realizations of the canonical ‘subordinate’ variety resulting from the disintegration of complex syntactic patterns, canonical, syntactically integrated varieties of Hebrew relative, complement, and adverbial clauses may be regarded as grammaticizations from syntactically less integrated varieties. | |Abstract=This chapter examines the continuum stretching between Hebrew syntactically integrated and unintegrated (‘insubordinate’) she-‘that/which/who’-clauses produced following final/continuing intonation contours in naturally-occurring interaction. Leaving aside modal insubordinate she-clauses, I show that in all of these cases she- ties back to an immediately prior stretch of interaction – verbal and/or embodied – and projects an elaboration or evaluation of it, without much concern about which particular type of complex construction – relative, complement, or adverbial (if any) – is being created. The data suggest that rather than viewing insubordinate clauses as imperfect realizations of the canonical ‘subordinate’ variety resulting from the disintegration of complex syntactic patterns, canonical, syntactically integrated varieties of Hebrew relative, complement, and adverbial clauses may be regarded as grammaticizations from syntactically less integrated varieties. | ||
}} | }} | ||
Latest revision as of 00:02, 25 February 2020
| Maschler2020 | |
|---|---|
| BibType | INCOLLECTION |
| Key | Maschler2020 |
| Author(s) | Yael Maschler |
| Title | The insubordinate – subordinate continuum: Prosody, embodied action, and the emergence of Hebrew complex syntax |
| Editor(s) | Yael Maschler, Simona Pekarek Doehler, Jan Lindström, Leelo Keevallik |
| Tag(s) | EMCA, Hebrew, Insubordination, Grammar, Interactional linguistics, Subordination, Prosody, Grammaticization |
| Publisher | John Benjamins |
| Year | 2020 |
| Language | English |
| City | Amsterdam |
| Month | |
| Journal | |
| Volume | |
| Number | |
| Pages | 87–126 |
| URL | Link |
| DOI | 10.1075/slsi.32.04mas |
| ISBN | |
| Organization | |
| Institution | |
| School | |
| Type | |
| Edition | |
| Series | |
| Howpublished | |
| Book title | Emergent Syntax for Conversation: Clausal Patterns and the Organization of Action |
| Chapter | |
Abstract
This chapter examines the continuum stretching between Hebrew syntactically integrated and unintegrated (‘insubordinate’) she-‘that/which/who’-clauses produced following final/continuing intonation contours in naturally-occurring interaction. Leaving aside modal insubordinate she-clauses, I show that in all of these cases she- ties back to an immediately prior stretch of interaction – verbal and/or embodied – and projects an elaboration or evaluation of it, without much concern about which particular type of complex construction – relative, complement, or adverbial (if any) – is being created. The data suggest that rather than viewing insubordinate clauses as imperfect realizations of the canonical ‘subordinate’ variety resulting from the disintegration of complex syntactic patterns, canonical, syntactically integrated varieties of Hebrew relative, complement, and adverbial clauses may be regarded as grammaticizations from syntactically less integrated varieties.
Notes
